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Not quite the same: The social stratification and phonetic conditioning of the FOOT- STRUT vowels in Manchester

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Not quite the same : The social stratification and phonetic conditioning of the FOOT- STRUT vowels in Manchester. / Turton, Danielle; Baranowski, Maciej .

In: Journal of Linguistics, 14.11.2019.

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@article{ad9c55a3420b47a28a48467a56840cd8,
title = "Not quite the same: The social stratification and phonetic conditioning of the FOOT- STRUT vowels in Manchester",
abstract = "The FOOT-STRUT split, which has its origins in 17th century English, is notable for never having occurred in the speech of Northerners in England; thus, stood~stud are still homophones. The present study analyses 122 speakers from Manchester in the North-West of England. Although the vast majority of speakers have no distinction between the two vowels in minimal-pair production and judgement tests, vowel height is correlated with socio- economic status: the higher the social class, the higher the F1 of STRUT. Surprisingly, in statistical models the predictor of vowel class remains significant. This means that, for a speech community without the split, there remains an effect in the expected direction: STRUT vowels are lower than FOOT vowels in the vowel space (i.e. they have a higher F1). We suggest that co-articulatory effects of surrounding consonants explain this acoustic difference, as they have significant lowering/heightening effects on F1 but are not fully captured by our statistical model. We argue that the perplexing nature of the historical split can be partially accounted for in this data, as the frequency of co-occurring phonetic environments is notably different for FOOT than in STRUT, resulting in cumulative effects ofco-articulation. We also present evidence of age-grading which suggests that middle class speakers may develop a phonetic distinction as they age.",
keywords = "sociolinguistics, sociophonetics, Phonetics, phonology",
author = "Danielle Turton and Maciej Baranowski",
year = "2019",
month = nov
day = "14",
language = "English",
journal = "Journal of Linguistics",
issn = "0022-2267",
publisher = "Cambridge University Press",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - Not quite the same

T2 - The social stratification and phonetic conditioning of the FOOT- STRUT vowels in Manchester

AU - Turton, Danielle

AU - Baranowski, Maciej

PY - 2019/11/14

Y1 - 2019/11/14

N2 - The FOOT-STRUT split, which has its origins in 17th century English, is notable for never having occurred in the speech of Northerners in England; thus, stood~stud are still homophones. The present study analyses 122 speakers from Manchester in the North-West of England. Although the vast majority of speakers have no distinction between the two vowels in minimal-pair production and judgement tests, vowel height is correlated with socio- economic status: the higher the social class, the higher the F1 of STRUT. Surprisingly, in statistical models the predictor of vowel class remains significant. This means that, for a speech community without the split, there remains an effect in the expected direction: STRUT vowels are lower than FOOT vowels in the vowel space (i.e. they have a higher F1). We suggest that co-articulatory effects of surrounding consonants explain this acoustic difference, as they have significant lowering/heightening effects on F1 but are not fully captured by our statistical model. We argue that the perplexing nature of the historical split can be partially accounted for in this data, as the frequency of co-occurring phonetic environments is notably different for FOOT than in STRUT, resulting in cumulative effects ofco-articulation. We also present evidence of age-grading which suggests that middle class speakers may develop a phonetic distinction as they age.

AB - The FOOT-STRUT split, which has its origins in 17th century English, is notable for never having occurred in the speech of Northerners in England; thus, stood~stud are still homophones. The present study analyses 122 speakers from Manchester in the North-West of England. Although the vast majority of speakers have no distinction between the two vowels in minimal-pair production and judgement tests, vowel height is correlated with socio- economic status: the higher the social class, the higher the F1 of STRUT. Surprisingly, in statistical models the predictor of vowel class remains significant. This means that, for a speech community without the split, there remains an effect in the expected direction: STRUT vowels are lower than FOOT vowels in the vowel space (i.e. they have a higher F1). We suggest that co-articulatory effects of surrounding consonants explain this acoustic difference, as they have significant lowering/heightening effects on F1 but are not fully captured by our statistical model. We argue that the perplexing nature of the historical split can be partially accounted for in this data, as the frequency of co-occurring phonetic environments is notably different for FOOT than in STRUT, resulting in cumulative effects ofco-articulation. We also present evidence of age-grading which suggests that middle class speakers may develop a phonetic distinction as they age.

KW - sociolinguistics

KW - sociophonetics

KW - Phonetics

KW - phonology

M3 - Journal article

JO - Journal of Linguistics

JF - Journal of Linguistics

SN - 0022-2267

ER -