Home > Research > Publications & Outputs > Being a heritage speaker matters

Links

Text available via DOI:

View graph of relations

Being a heritage speaker matters: the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian

Research output: Contribution to Journal/MagazineJournal articlepeer-review

Published

Standard

Being a heritage speaker matters: the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian. / Di Pisa, Grazia; Pereira Soares, Sergio Miguel; Rothman, Jason et al.
In: Frontiers in Psychology, Vol. 15, 1321614, 14.03.2024.

Research output: Contribution to Journal/MagazineJournal articlepeer-review

Harvard

APA

Di Pisa, G., Pereira Soares, S. M., Rothman, J., & Marinis, T. (2024). Being a heritage speaker matters: the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian. Frontiers in Psychology, 15, Article 1321614. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1321614

Vancouver

Di Pisa G, Pereira Soares SM, Rothman J, Marinis T. Being a heritage speaker matters: the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian. Frontiers in Psychology. 2024 Mar 14;15:1321614. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1321614

Author

Di Pisa, Grazia ; Pereira Soares, Sergio Miguel ; Rothman, Jason et al. / Being a heritage speaker matters : the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian. In: Frontiers in Psychology. 2024 ; Vol. 15.

Bibtex

@article{831fb08d829e4db4b63f8e4b860f059c,
title = "Being a heritage speaker matters: the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian",
abstract = "This study examines online processing and offline judgments of subject-verb person agreement with a focus on how this is impacted by markedness in heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian. To this end, 54 adult HSs living in Germany and 40 homeland Italian speakers completed a self-paced reading task (SPRT) and a grammaticality judgment task (GJT). Markedness was manipulated by probing agreement with both first-person (marked) and third-person (unmarked) subjects. Agreement was manipulated by crossing first-person marked subjects with third-person unmarked verbs and vice versa. Crucially, person violations with 1st person subjects (e.g., io *suona la chitarra “I plays-3rd-person the guitar”) yielded significantly shorter RTs in the SPRT and higher accuracy in the GJT than the opposite error type (e.g., il giornalista *esco spesso “the journalist go-1st-person out often”). This effect is consistent with the claim that when the first element in the dependency is marked (first person), the parser generates stronger predictions regarding upcoming agreeing elements. These results nicely align with work from the same populations investigating the impact of morphological markedness on grammatical gender agreement, suggesting that markedness impacts agreement similarly in two distinct grammatical domains and that sensitivity to markedness is more prevalent for HSs.",
keywords = "grammatical processing, heritage bilingualism, Italian, markedness, subject-verb agreement",
author = "{Di Pisa}, Grazia and {Pereira Soares}, {Sergio Miguel} and Jason Rothman and Theodoros Marinis",
note = "Publisher Copyright: Copyright {\textcopyright} 2024 Di Pisa, Pereira Soares, Rothman and Marinis.",
year = "2024",
month = mar,
day = "14",
doi = "10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1321614",
language = "English",
volume = "15",
journal = "Frontiers in Psychology",
issn = "1664-1078",
publisher = "Frontiers Media S.A.",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - Being a heritage speaker matters

T2 - the role of markedness in subject-verb person agreement in Italian

AU - Di Pisa, Grazia

AU - Pereira Soares, Sergio Miguel

AU - Rothman, Jason

AU - Marinis, Theodoros

N1 - Publisher Copyright: Copyright © 2024 Di Pisa, Pereira Soares, Rothman and Marinis.

PY - 2024/3/14

Y1 - 2024/3/14

N2 - This study examines online processing and offline judgments of subject-verb person agreement with a focus on how this is impacted by markedness in heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian. To this end, 54 adult HSs living in Germany and 40 homeland Italian speakers completed a self-paced reading task (SPRT) and a grammaticality judgment task (GJT). Markedness was manipulated by probing agreement with both first-person (marked) and third-person (unmarked) subjects. Agreement was manipulated by crossing first-person marked subjects with third-person unmarked verbs and vice versa. Crucially, person violations with 1st person subjects (e.g., io *suona la chitarra “I plays-3rd-person the guitar”) yielded significantly shorter RTs in the SPRT and higher accuracy in the GJT than the opposite error type (e.g., il giornalista *esco spesso “the journalist go-1st-person out often”). This effect is consistent with the claim that when the first element in the dependency is marked (first person), the parser generates stronger predictions regarding upcoming agreeing elements. These results nicely align with work from the same populations investigating the impact of morphological markedness on grammatical gender agreement, suggesting that markedness impacts agreement similarly in two distinct grammatical domains and that sensitivity to markedness is more prevalent for HSs.

AB - This study examines online processing and offline judgments of subject-verb person agreement with a focus on how this is impacted by markedness in heritage speakers (HSs) of Italian. To this end, 54 adult HSs living in Germany and 40 homeland Italian speakers completed a self-paced reading task (SPRT) and a grammaticality judgment task (GJT). Markedness was manipulated by probing agreement with both first-person (marked) and third-person (unmarked) subjects. Agreement was manipulated by crossing first-person marked subjects with third-person unmarked verbs and vice versa. Crucially, person violations with 1st person subjects (e.g., io *suona la chitarra “I plays-3rd-person the guitar”) yielded significantly shorter RTs in the SPRT and higher accuracy in the GJT than the opposite error type (e.g., il giornalista *esco spesso “the journalist go-1st-person out often”). This effect is consistent with the claim that when the first element in the dependency is marked (first person), the parser generates stronger predictions regarding upcoming agreeing elements. These results nicely align with work from the same populations investigating the impact of morphological markedness on grammatical gender agreement, suggesting that markedness impacts agreement similarly in two distinct grammatical domains and that sensitivity to markedness is more prevalent for HSs.

KW - grammatical processing

KW - heritage bilingualism

KW - Italian

KW - markedness

KW - subject-verb agreement

U2 - 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1321614

DO - 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1321614

M3 - Journal article

AN - SCOPUS:85188936961

VL - 15

JO - Frontiers in Psychology

JF - Frontiers in Psychology

SN - 1664-1078

M1 - 1321614

ER -