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Interface Vulnerability and Knowledge of the Subjunctive/Indicative Distinction with Negated Epistemic Predicates in L2 Spanish

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Interface Vulnerability and Knowledge of the Subjunctive/Indicative Distinction with Negated Epistemic Predicates in L2 Spanish. / Iverson, Michael; Kempchinsky, Paula; Rothman, Jason.
In: EUROSLA Yearbook, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2008, p. 135-163.

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Iverson M, Kempchinsky P, Rothman J. Interface Vulnerability and Knowledge of the Subjunctive/Indicative Distinction with Negated Epistemic Predicates in L2 Spanish. EUROSLA Yearbook. 2008;8(1):135-163. doi: 10.1075/eurosla.8.09ive

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Iverson, Michael ; Kempchinsky, Paula ; Rothman, Jason. / Interface Vulnerability and Knowledge of the Subjunctive/Indicative Distinction with Negated Epistemic Predicates in L2 Spanish. In: EUROSLA Yearbook. 2008 ; Vol. 8, No. 1. pp. 135-163.

Bibtex

@article{5eb1f5c1b9a24e749a31d5d07d5c8351,
title = "Interface Vulnerability and Knowledge of the Subjunctive/Indicative Distinction with Negated Epistemic Predicates in L2 Spanish",
abstract = "Much recent research in SLA is guided by the hypothesis of L2 interface vulnerability (see Sorace 2005). This study contributes to this general project by examining the acquisition of two classes of subjunctive complement clauses in L2 Spanish: subjunctive complements of volitional predicates (purely syntactic) and subjunctive vs. indicative complements with negated epistemic matrix predicates, where the mood distinction is discourse dependent (thus involving the syntax–discourse interface). We provide an analysis of the volitional subjunctive in English and Spanish, suggesting that English learners of L2 Spanish need to access the functional projection Mood P and an uninterpretable modal feature on the Force head available to them from their formal English register grammar, and simultaneously must unacquire the structure of English for-to clauses. For negated epistemic predicates, our analysis maintains that they need to revalue the modal feature on the Force head from uninterpretable to interpretable, within the L2 grammar.With others (e.g. Borgonovo & Pr{\'e}vost 2003; Borgonovo, Bruhn de Garavito & Pr{\'e}vost 2005) and in line with Sorace{\textquoteright}s (2000, 2003, 2005) notion of interface vulnerability, we maintain that the latter case is more difficult for L2 learners, which is borne out in the data we present. However, the data also show that the indicative/subjunctive distinction with negated epistemics can be acquired by advanced stages of acquisition, questioning the notion of obligatory residual optionality for all properties which require the integration of syntactic and discourse information.",
author = "Michael Iverson and Paula Kempchinsky and Jason Rothman",
year = "2008",
doi = "10.1075/eurosla.8.09ive",
language = "English",
volume = "8",
pages = "135--163",
journal = "EUROSLA Yearbook",
issn = "1568-1491",
publisher = "John Benjamins Publishing",
number = "1",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - Interface Vulnerability and Knowledge of the Subjunctive/Indicative Distinction with Negated Epistemic Predicates in L2 Spanish

AU - Iverson, Michael

AU - Kempchinsky, Paula

AU - Rothman, Jason

PY - 2008

Y1 - 2008

N2 - Much recent research in SLA is guided by the hypothesis of L2 interface vulnerability (see Sorace 2005). This study contributes to this general project by examining the acquisition of two classes of subjunctive complement clauses in L2 Spanish: subjunctive complements of volitional predicates (purely syntactic) and subjunctive vs. indicative complements with negated epistemic matrix predicates, where the mood distinction is discourse dependent (thus involving the syntax–discourse interface). We provide an analysis of the volitional subjunctive in English and Spanish, suggesting that English learners of L2 Spanish need to access the functional projection Mood P and an uninterpretable modal feature on the Force head available to them from their formal English register grammar, and simultaneously must unacquire the structure of English for-to clauses. For negated epistemic predicates, our analysis maintains that they need to revalue the modal feature on the Force head from uninterpretable to interpretable, within the L2 grammar.With others (e.g. Borgonovo & Prévost 2003; Borgonovo, Bruhn de Garavito & Prévost 2005) and in line with Sorace’s (2000, 2003, 2005) notion of interface vulnerability, we maintain that the latter case is more difficult for L2 learners, which is borne out in the data we present. However, the data also show that the indicative/subjunctive distinction with negated epistemics can be acquired by advanced stages of acquisition, questioning the notion of obligatory residual optionality for all properties which require the integration of syntactic and discourse information.

AB - Much recent research in SLA is guided by the hypothesis of L2 interface vulnerability (see Sorace 2005). This study contributes to this general project by examining the acquisition of two classes of subjunctive complement clauses in L2 Spanish: subjunctive complements of volitional predicates (purely syntactic) and subjunctive vs. indicative complements with negated epistemic matrix predicates, where the mood distinction is discourse dependent (thus involving the syntax–discourse interface). We provide an analysis of the volitional subjunctive in English and Spanish, suggesting that English learners of L2 Spanish need to access the functional projection Mood P and an uninterpretable modal feature on the Force head available to them from their formal English register grammar, and simultaneously must unacquire the structure of English for-to clauses. For negated epistemic predicates, our analysis maintains that they need to revalue the modal feature on the Force head from uninterpretable to interpretable, within the L2 grammar.With others (e.g. Borgonovo & Prévost 2003; Borgonovo, Bruhn de Garavito & Prévost 2005) and in line with Sorace’s (2000, 2003, 2005) notion of interface vulnerability, we maintain that the latter case is more difficult for L2 learners, which is borne out in the data we present. However, the data also show that the indicative/subjunctive distinction with negated epistemics can be acquired by advanced stages of acquisition, questioning the notion of obligatory residual optionality for all properties which require the integration of syntactic and discourse information.

U2 - 10.1075/eurosla.8.09ive

DO - 10.1075/eurosla.8.09ive

M3 - Journal article

VL - 8

SP - 135

EP - 163

JO - EUROSLA Yearbook

JF - EUROSLA Yearbook

SN - 1568-1491

IS - 1

ER -