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The business of child detention: charitable co-option, migrant advocacy and activist outrage

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The business of child detention: charitable co-option, migrant advocacy and activist outrage. / Tyler, Imogen; Gill, Nick; Conlon, Deirdre et al.
In: Race and Class, Vol. 56, No. 1, 07.2014, p. 3-21.

Research output: Contribution to Journal/MagazineJournal articlepeer-review

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Tyler I, Gill N, Conlon D, Oeppen C. The business of child detention: charitable co-option, migrant advocacy and activist outrage. Race and Class. 2014 Jul;56(1):3-21. doi: 10.1177/0306396814531690

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Tyler, Imogen ; Gill, Nick ; Conlon, Deirdre et al. / The business of child detention : charitable co-option, migrant advocacy and activist outrage. In: Race and Class. 2014 ; Vol. 56, No. 1. pp. 3-21.

Bibtex

@article{f6925e0a677b4602a37c85164a4cd741,
title = "The business of child detention: charitable co-option, migrant advocacy and activist outrage",
abstract = "In 2010 the British government announced that the outrage of child detention for immigration purposes was to end. Simultaneously, however, it commissioned the opening of a new family detention centre called CEDARS. An acronym for Compassion, Empathy, Dignity, Approachability, Respect and Support, CEDARS is run under novel governance arrangements by the Home Office, private security company G4S and the children{\textquoteright}s charity Barnardo{\textquoteright}s. This article draws on focus group research with migrant advocacy groups, to examine the ways in which Barnardo{\textquoteright}s{\textquoteright} role within CEDARS is variously imagined as mitigating and/or legitimating the use of detention as a border control mechanism. In particular we ask: what are the consequences of the co-option of charities and voluntary organisations within the immigration detention market? Has the neoliberal trend towards the {\textquoteleft}professionalisation of dissent{\textquoteright} diminished political opposition to immigration detention in Britain and the wider world?1 Has humanitarian activism on behalf of migrants (unintentionally) contributed to the exponential growth of for-profit migrant detention markets?",
keywords = "Barnardo{\textquoteright}s, Britain , child detention , CEDARS , commissioning , co-option , G4S , immigration detention , neoliberalism , third sector",
author = "Imogen Tyler and Nick Gill and Deirdre Conlon and Ceri Oeppen",
year = "2014",
month = jul,
doi = "10.1177/0306396814531690",
language = "English",
volume = "56",
pages = "3--21",
journal = "Race and Class",
issn = "0306-3968",
publisher = "SAGE Publications Ltd",
number = "1",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - The business of child detention

T2 - charitable co-option, migrant advocacy and activist outrage

AU - Tyler, Imogen

AU - Gill, Nick

AU - Conlon, Deirdre

AU - Oeppen, Ceri

PY - 2014/7

Y1 - 2014/7

N2 - In 2010 the British government announced that the outrage of child detention for immigration purposes was to end. Simultaneously, however, it commissioned the opening of a new family detention centre called CEDARS. An acronym for Compassion, Empathy, Dignity, Approachability, Respect and Support, CEDARS is run under novel governance arrangements by the Home Office, private security company G4S and the children’s charity Barnardo’s. This article draws on focus group research with migrant advocacy groups, to examine the ways in which Barnardo’s’ role within CEDARS is variously imagined as mitigating and/or legitimating the use of detention as a border control mechanism. In particular we ask: what are the consequences of the co-option of charities and voluntary organisations within the immigration detention market? Has the neoliberal trend towards the ‘professionalisation of dissent’ diminished political opposition to immigration detention in Britain and the wider world?1 Has humanitarian activism on behalf of migrants (unintentionally) contributed to the exponential growth of for-profit migrant detention markets?

AB - In 2010 the British government announced that the outrage of child detention for immigration purposes was to end. Simultaneously, however, it commissioned the opening of a new family detention centre called CEDARS. An acronym for Compassion, Empathy, Dignity, Approachability, Respect and Support, CEDARS is run under novel governance arrangements by the Home Office, private security company G4S and the children’s charity Barnardo’s. This article draws on focus group research with migrant advocacy groups, to examine the ways in which Barnardo’s’ role within CEDARS is variously imagined as mitigating and/or legitimating the use of detention as a border control mechanism. In particular we ask: what are the consequences of the co-option of charities and voluntary organisations within the immigration detention market? Has the neoliberal trend towards the ‘professionalisation of dissent’ diminished political opposition to immigration detention in Britain and the wider world?1 Has humanitarian activism on behalf of migrants (unintentionally) contributed to the exponential growth of for-profit migrant detention markets?

KW - Barnardo’s

KW - Britain

KW - child detention

KW - CEDARS

KW - commissioning

KW - co-option

KW - G4S

KW - immigration detention

KW - neoliberalism

KW - third sector

U2 - 10.1177/0306396814531690

DO - 10.1177/0306396814531690

M3 - Journal article

VL - 56

SP - 3

EP - 21

JO - Race and Class

JF - Race and Class

SN - 0306-3968

IS - 1

ER -