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The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia.

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The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia. / Poynting, Scott; Mason, Victoria.
In: International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, Vol. 36, No. 4, 12.2008, p. 230-246.

Research output: Contribution to Journal/MagazineJournal articlepeer-review

Harvard

Poynting, S & Mason, V 2008, 'The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia.', International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, vol. 36, no. 4, pp. 230-246. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2008.08.001

APA

Vancouver

Poynting S, Mason V. The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia. International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice. 2008 Dec;36(4):230-246. doi: 10.1016/j.ijlcj.2008.08.001

Author

Poynting, Scott ; Mason, Victoria. / The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia. In: International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice. 2008 ; Vol. 36, No. 4. pp. 230-246.

Bibtex

@article{41ff5675ff484a3a91050248e3ec9f4d,
title = "The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia.",
abstract = "Since their introduction to Australia in the early 1970s, the politics of multiculturalism have entailed a degree of state control over the cultural affairs of (principally immigrant) ethnic communities. This was largely obtained by consent rather than coercion, and this consent was often purchased with various forms of state resourcing for community needs, with a measure of coercion attached to the threat, where necessary, of funding withdrawals. Beyond the basic framework of liberal-democratic norms, very little of the ground rules for the acceptable practice of minority culture were inscribed in legislation or state pronouncements. The pursuit of the {\textquoteleft}War on Terror{\textquoteright} since 9/11 has increasingly seen the intrusion of the state into cultural, and especially religious, matters of minority populations, overwhelmingly among Muslims, in Australia. Pronouncements are now routinely made by political leaders of what is acceptable in a sermon, for example, and what is {\textquoteleft}extreme{\textquoteright}, {\textquoteleft}radical{\textquoteright} or unacceptable. Religious leaders themselves have been identified by state actors as exemplary or beyond the pale and to be replaced. The government has involved itself in the process of selection of religious representatives, and made strong representations about the selection of leaders and their necessary attributes, such as fluency in English, attitudes favouring {\textquoteleft}integration{\textquoteright}, beliefs in women{\textquoteright}s rights, positive disposition towards the alliance with the United States, and so on. There have also been government demands for ethnic/religious schools to teach {\textquoteleft}Australian values{\textquoteright}. At present there is no legal basis for such prescription and proscription, which operates rather by hectoring and harassment and the implied conditionality of the remnants of multicultural funding. All of this action can be shown to be discriminatory, in that it is directed only towards Muslims. It also represents a dangerous trend in terms of undermining the right to religious freedom, enshrined in a number of international treaties to which Australia is a signatory.",
author = "Scott Poynting and Victoria Mason",
year = "2008",
month = dec,
doi = "10.1016/j.ijlcj.2008.08.001",
language = "English",
volume = "36",
pages = "230--246",
journal = "International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice",
issn = "1756-0616",
publisher = "Academic Press Inc.",
number = "4",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - The new integrationism, the state and Islamophobia : retreat from multiculturalism in Australia.

AU - Poynting, Scott

AU - Mason, Victoria

PY - 2008/12

Y1 - 2008/12

N2 - Since their introduction to Australia in the early 1970s, the politics of multiculturalism have entailed a degree of state control over the cultural affairs of (principally immigrant) ethnic communities. This was largely obtained by consent rather than coercion, and this consent was often purchased with various forms of state resourcing for community needs, with a measure of coercion attached to the threat, where necessary, of funding withdrawals. Beyond the basic framework of liberal-democratic norms, very little of the ground rules for the acceptable practice of minority culture were inscribed in legislation or state pronouncements. The pursuit of the ‘War on Terror’ since 9/11 has increasingly seen the intrusion of the state into cultural, and especially religious, matters of minority populations, overwhelmingly among Muslims, in Australia. Pronouncements are now routinely made by political leaders of what is acceptable in a sermon, for example, and what is ‘extreme’, ‘radical’ or unacceptable. Religious leaders themselves have been identified by state actors as exemplary or beyond the pale and to be replaced. The government has involved itself in the process of selection of religious representatives, and made strong representations about the selection of leaders and their necessary attributes, such as fluency in English, attitudes favouring ‘integration’, beliefs in women’s rights, positive disposition towards the alliance with the United States, and so on. There have also been government demands for ethnic/religious schools to teach ‘Australian values’. At present there is no legal basis for such prescription and proscription, which operates rather by hectoring and harassment and the implied conditionality of the remnants of multicultural funding. All of this action can be shown to be discriminatory, in that it is directed only towards Muslims. It also represents a dangerous trend in terms of undermining the right to religious freedom, enshrined in a number of international treaties to which Australia is a signatory.

AB - Since their introduction to Australia in the early 1970s, the politics of multiculturalism have entailed a degree of state control over the cultural affairs of (principally immigrant) ethnic communities. This was largely obtained by consent rather than coercion, and this consent was often purchased with various forms of state resourcing for community needs, with a measure of coercion attached to the threat, where necessary, of funding withdrawals. Beyond the basic framework of liberal-democratic norms, very little of the ground rules for the acceptable practice of minority culture were inscribed in legislation or state pronouncements. The pursuit of the ‘War on Terror’ since 9/11 has increasingly seen the intrusion of the state into cultural, and especially religious, matters of minority populations, overwhelmingly among Muslims, in Australia. Pronouncements are now routinely made by political leaders of what is acceptable in a sermon, for example, and what is ‘extreme’, ‘radical’ or unacceptable. Religious leaders themselves have been identified by state actors as exemplary or beyond the pale and to be replaced. The government has involved itself in the process of selection of religious representatives, and made strong representations about the selection of leaders and their necessary attributes, such as fluency in English, attitudes favouring ‘integration’, beliefs in women’s rights, positive disposition towards the alliance with the United States, and so on. There have also been government demands for ethnic/religious schools to teach ‘Australian values’. At present there is no legal basis for such prescription and proscription, which operates rather by hectoring and harassment and the implied conditionality of the remnants of multicultural funding. All of this action can be shown to be discriminatory, in that it is directed only towards Muslims. It also represents a dangerous trend in terms of undermining the right to religious freedom, enshrined in a number of international treaties to which Australia is a signatory.

U2 - 10.1016/j.ijlcj.2008.08.001

DO - 10.1016/j.ijlcj.2008.08.001

M3 - Journal article

VL - 36

SP - 230

EP - 246

JO - International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice

JF - International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice

SN - 1756-0616

IS - 4

ER -