Rights statement: This is the peer reviewed version of the following article:Conconi, P, Facchini, G, Steinhardt, MF, Zanardi, M. The political economy of trade and migration: Evidence from the U.S. Congress. Econ Polit. 2020; 32: 250– 278. https://doi.org/10.1111/ecpo.12149 which has been published in final form at https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/ecpo.12149 This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance With Wiley Terms and Conditions for self-archiving.
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Final published version
Research output: Contribution to Journal/Magazine › Journal article › peer-review
Research output: Contribution to Journal/Magazine › Journal article › peer-review
}
TY - JOUR
T1 - The political economy of trade and migration
T2 - Evidence from the U.S. Congress
AU - Conconi, Paola
AU - Facchini, Giovanni
AU - Steinhardt, Max
AU - Zanardi, Maurizio
N1 - This is the peer reviewed version of the following article:Conconi, P, Facchini, G, Steinhardt, MF, Zanardi, M. The political economy of trade and migration: Evidence from the U.S. Congress. Econ Polit. 2020; 32: 250– 278. https://doi.org/10.1111/ecpo.12149 which has been published in final form at https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/ecpo.12149 This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance With Wiley Terms and Conditions for self-archiving.
PY - 2020/7/1
Y1 - 2020/7/1
N2 - We compare the drivers of U.S. congressmen's votes on trade and migration reforms since the 1970's. Standard trade theory suggests that trade reforms that lower barriers to goods from less skilled-labor abundant countries and migration reforms that lower barriers to low-skilled migrants should have similar distributional effects, hurting low-skilled U.S. workers while benefiting high-skilled workers. In line with this prediction, we find that House members representing more skilled-labor abundant districts are more likely to support trade and migration reforms that benefit high-skilled workers. Still, important differences exist: Democrats are less supportive of trade reforms than Republicans, while the opposite is true for migration reforms; welfare state considerations and network effects shape votes on migration, but not on trade.
AB - We compare the drivers of U.S. congressmen's votes on trade and migration reforms since the 1970's. Standard trade theory suggests that trade reforms that lower barriers to goods from less skilled-labor abundant countries and migration reforms that lower barriers to low-skilled migrants should have similar distributional effects, hurting low-skilled U.S. workers while benefiting high-skilled workers. In line with this prediction, we find that House members representing more skilled-labor abundant districts are more likely to support trade and migration reforms that benefit high-skilled workers. Still, important differences exist: Democrats are less supportive of trade reforms than Republicans, while the opposite is true for migration reforms; welfare state considerations and network effects shape votes on migration, but not on trade.
KW - trade reforms
KW - immigration reforms
KW - roll-call votes
U2 - 10.1111/ecpo.12149
DO - 10.1111/ecpo.12149
M3 - Journal article
VL - 32
SP - 250
EP - 278
JO - Economics & Politics
JF - Economics & Politics
SN - 1468-0343
IS - 2
ER -